To Turn Protest into Political Power, We Need to Break Through the Two-Party System

The Greek Courier

Opinion

In recent years, we have witnessed an unprecedented wave of protests marked by mass energy and widespread resistance against the Trump administration. "No Kings" showed mass energy and broad revulsion against him. Yet, these impressive marches alone cannot dismantle the entrenched power that Trump has amassed. To translate this fervor into sustainable PROGRESSIVE change, we must transform protest energy into organized institutions and electoral power. To truly effect change, we must face a significant challenge: breaking through the constraints of our two-party system.

The urgency of this moment cannot be overstated. As we approach November's elections, there are viable strategies to turn the momentum generated by movements like No Kings into a potent Non-Confidence campaign against Trump. These strategies call for meaningful participation, engagement, and robust organizational skills, which are essential ingredients for success.

The goals of this initiative are clear. We must convert the intensity of protests into organized political power capable of winning elections and preventing authoritarian rollback. This involves building multiracial and working-class coalitions capable of sustaining long-term mobilization. Furthermore, we must push for a genuine electoral alternative, be it a viable third party that embodies progressive ideals or a reformed Democratic Party led by progressive voices. Making the case for anti-Trump non-confidence as both politically salient and electorally consequential is crucial.

To achieve these goals, we can pursue complementary strategic options rather than mutually exclusive paths. The first is the inside strategy: capturing Democratic primaries from within the existing party structure. This approach recognizes that controlling an established major party gives us vital access to ballot lines, donor networks, and electoral infrastructure. To make this work, we need to recruit credible progressive candidates for key primaries, coordinate national target lists, mobilize grassroots support, and advocate for reforms like ranked-choice and open primaries. While this strategy has its strengths, including resource concentration and potential union alliances, it faces challenges such as internal friction and the risk of co-optation by establishment interests.

Alternatively, we can adopt an outside strategy: establishing a new Progressive Democratic movement or party. If the entrenched party structures and donors resist meaningful reform, creating a new entity can provide a principled break and a long-term vehicle for grassroots organization. This involves launching in states with favorable ballot access, focusing on local and state legislative victories, and partnering with unions and grassroots organizations. Although this approach presents obstacles like ballot-access challenges and potential spoiler risks, its clear identity and independent funding base could attract disenchanted voters.

A hybrid approach, combining both inside and outside strategies, may also hold promise. By running inside campaigns while simultaneously building a viable third-party identity, we can pressure the Democratic establishment to concede necessary reforms. This dual-track strategy could lend credibility to progressive candidates running in Democratic primaries while challenging the status quo with independent and progressive candidates in less competitive races.

To support this transformation, we must establish core organizing pillars that prioritize effective grassroots mobilization. Partnering with trade unions is essential for sustained activism and voter engagement. We should also convert the energy from the No Kings gatherings into local chapters that foster leadership development and run ongoing civic campaigns. Establishing a solid electoral infrastructure, including voter contact lists and training programs, is crucial, as is promoting a narrative that underscores the importance of democracy from the grassroots rather than through party elites. If you have any questions on the last one, call the Mayor of New York.

Furthermore, we must prioritize legal and civic reforms that lower barriers for third parties, such as ranked-choice voting, public financing of campaigns, and ballot-access reforms.

As we strategize, we should focus on high-salience issues such as inflation, healthcare, and corruption, aiming to hold elected officials accountable through public commitments and scorecards. By targeting vulnerable incumbents complicit in authoritarian policies, we can mount credible primary challenges that empower new progressive voices.

The clock is ticking, and the stakes could not be higher. To harness the momentum of protest and convert it into political power, we must dare to break the chains of the two-party system. Only then can we build a movement capable of bringing about the change we desperately need. The time for action is now.